On October 5, 1986, a dramatic event revealed the extent of the US supply network to the Contras, and additionally a strange, direct connection to arms sales to Iran. has a moral obligation to support ‘freedom fighters’ who battle ‘satanic’ Communism.” Robertson was adamant that Contra fighters would be “saved” by Jesus as he led religious conversion services in their Honduran camps, publicly applauding their armed invasion of Nicaragua.
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Pat Robertson, chair of the Christian Broadcasting Network, one of Brian’s parents’ favorite TV evangelists, was quoted in Time magazine saying, “The U.S. The religious right was also involved in this campaign. Abrams’s op-ed was a part of a massive Orwellian campaign spearheaded by the White House starting in 1983 to manage “public perceptions,” that is, to “manufacture consent.” Obsessed with eliminating the dangerous “virus” posed by Nicaragua’s popular revolution, administration officials knew that the vast majority of Nicaraguans resisted the Contra “freedom fighters” and that the majority of U.S. In short, Reagan was asking for $100 million to fund terrorists, which meant many more civilians would be killed before this ugly “secret” war ended. I was quite disturbed to hear these impoverished campesinos describe their CIA recruiters enticing them to become Contras to stop Sandinistas from “eating their babies”.Ībrams and the Reagan administration were asking Congress for an additional $100 million to fund the Contra “freedom fighters” to counter the “threat” the Sandinistas posed to neighboring “democratic” countries. While studying in Estelí I arranged an interview with a group of Contra prisoners at the nearby penitentiary. subverting neighboring democratic countries.” Elliott Abrams, President Reagan’s assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, began this new propaganda campaign with a nationally distributed op-ed piece in which he declared that there was “no question the Sandinista regime is repressive and undemocratic. National Security Council (NSC) launched an all-out campaign to convince Congress and the American people that the Sandinistas were a growing threat to all of Central America. On January 13, just over a week after I landed in Nicaragua, the U.S. The goal of US policy, he said, was “peaceful but the manner in which we pursue it is not.” In effect, the US policy was dominated by military terrorism, supported primarily by Republicans in the Congress, while starvation was supported primarily by Democrats.
He informed me that the two factors determining the future of Nicaragua were: (1) the people’s reaction to internal economic shortages due to the economic embargo, including “food shortages”, and (2) the military “fortunes” of the contras. Soon after, I visited the US Embassy and spoke with official Garrett Sweeny. I watched six of those victims lying in open caskets being carried on horse drawn wagons moving slowly to the Estelí cemetery.
During the first week, the Contras attacked three farming cooperatives near Estelí, killing eleven campesinos. My first trip to Nicaragua occurred in January 1986 when I attempted to learn Spanish at a school in Estelí.
This week we include Brian’s personal account of the period from January 1986 to the February 1990 electoral defeat. Previously we serialized my Introduction to the book and are currently working through Brian Willson and Nils McCune’s thumbnail history of US intervention in Nicaragua.
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You can download the book in pdf or two different e-book formats here. This week we continue our irregular serialization of Live From Nicaragua: Uprising or Coup?, the electronic coup reader Alliance for Global Justice posted in April with a lot of help from our friends including over 20 authors and several editors.
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